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Of course, psychology never had just one empirical order, it always had several. Unanimity about the proper way of constructing an empirical order always eluded it. Psychoanalysis, for example, developed elaborate rules and procedures for constructing an empirical order, but its rules differed from those of experimental psychology in many quite fundamental respects. However, it is not necessary to limit oneself to such radical discrepancies. Historically, the empirical order characteristic of experimental psychology was based on rules that differed from those operative in the construction of an empirical order based on the employment of mental tests, a difference that was large enough to lead to talk of "two psychologies" (Cronbach, 1957).

In the early days of experimental psychology the subject whose reactions and reports supplied the empirical basis for psychological knowledge claims was generally a colleague, a friend, or someone with whom one interacted regularly as teacher or as student. In any case, the research relationship was based on 32 Kurt Danziger openness and on the trust that had developed in the course of a relationship that also existed outside the laboratory. The atmosphere was collaborative, and experimenters and subjects frequently exchanged roles.

Moreover, these interests and ideologies were not just those of the psychologists who were directly involved. For in their efforts at establishing, legitimizing, and expanding their sector of the knowledge industry, psychologists, like others in a similar position (Latour, 1987), were obliged to enter into alliances with established centers of social power, and thus to ensure broad conformity of their own practices with the requirements of their allies. The specific social alliances of psychologists varied from country to country and from one historical period to another, and this is reflected in the variety of psychological objects produced in different places at different times.

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