By Thomas J. Espenshade
Against the backdrop of modern-day more and more multicultural society, are America's elite schools admitting and effectively teaching a various pupil physique? No Longer Separate, now not but Equal pulls again the curtain at the selective university adventure and takes a rigorous and entire examine how race and social category impression every one stage--from program and admission, to enrollment and scholar existence on campus. Arguing that elite larger schooling contributes to either social mobility and inequality, the authors examine such components as admission merits for minorities, educational success gaps tied to race and sophistication, unequal burdens in buying college, and delight with university experiences.
The book's research is predicated on info supplied by way of the nationwide Survey of faculty adventure, accrued from greater than 9 thousand scholars who utilized to at least one of ten selective faculties among the early Nineteen Eighties and overdue Nineties. The authors discover the composition of applicant swimming pools, factoring in historical past and "selective admission enhancement strategies"--including AP periods, test-prep classes, and extracurriculars--to verify how those develop functions. On campus, the authors study roommate offerings, friendship circles, and levels of social interplay, and observe that whereas scholars from diversified racial and sophistication situations should not separate in university, they don't combine up to one may perhaps count on. The ebook encourages better interplay between pupil teams and calls on academic associations to enhance entry for college kids of reduce socioeconomic status.
No Longer Separate, no longer but Equal deals invaluable insights into the elaborate workings of America's elite greater schooling system.
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Extra resources for No Longer Separate, Not Yet Equal: Race and Class in Elite College Admission and Campus Life
Blacks and Hispanics are much less likely to come from high SES backgrounds. 11 Applicants differ by race on a related social class measure as well. About 30 percent of black and Hispanic applicants are 11 Though the majority of white students are upper-middle class, it is important to keep in mind that lower- and working-class applicants are more likely to be white than of any other race. Thirty-seven percent of all lower-class and 48 percent of all working-class applicants are white. Applicants in each SES category are more likely to be white than of any other race because of the much larger number of white students who apply.
Loans figure prominently in whether some students can afford to attend a selective institution. How accumulated loan debt is distributed across different categories of students is assessed. We are especially interested in the financial burden of an elite college education relative to a family’s household income and net worth, and how this burden varies by race and social class. These results help us determine how level the financial playing field is among graduates from selective institutions. Chapter 8 considers a series of broader perspectives on the selective college experience.
What about satisfaction with college when students look back? How do graduates of selective colleges and universities evaluate their overall undergraduate experience? Are they satisfied with their academic experience? Do they rate positively their social experiences on campus? We might expect to see differences by race and by social class in average group levels of satisfaction. If we do, what are the implications? Finally, what do prospective students and parents who are contemplating sending their children to elite colleges need to know about these institutions ahead of time?