By Thomas J. Sugrue
Barack Obama, in his acclaimed crusade speech discussing the troubling complexities of race in the USA this present day, quoted William Faulkner's recognized comment "The prior is not useless and buried. actually, it is not even past." In now not Even prior, award-winning historian Thomas Sugrue examines the ambiguity of race in Obama's the USA and the way President Obama intends to accommodate it. Obama's trip to the White condo absolutely marks a watershed within the historical past of race in the US. but even in what's being hailed because the post-civil rights period, racial divisions--particularly among blacks and whites--remain deeply entrenched in American existence. Sugrue strains Obama's evolving realizing of race and racial inequality all through his occupation, from his early days as a neighborhood organizer in Chicago, to his time as an lawyer and student, to his incredible upward push to strength as a charismatic and savvy baby-kisser, to his dramatic presidential crusade. Sugrue appears at Obama's position within the contested historical past of the civil rights fight; his perspectives in regards to the root reasons of black poverty in the USA; and the very good demanding situations confronting his historical presidency. Does Obama's presidency sign the tip of race in American lifestyles? In now not Even prior, a number one historian of civil rights, race, and concrete the United States bargains a revealing and unflinchingly sincere evaluate of the tradition and politics of race within the age of Obama, and of our customers for a postracial the US.
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Extra info for Not Even Past: Barack Obama and the Burden of Race (Lawrence Stone Lectures)
The evidence was mixed on the benefits of the downtown development and gentrification projects that the growth machine preferred. Entertainment venues like stadiums attracted suburbanites and tourists to cities, but often cost more in subsidies and tax abatements than they earned. New construction projects created jobs—but in a sector of the economy in which minorities were underrepresented. Convention centers were a magnet for tourist dollars and tax revenue and sometimes created service-sector jobs in the hospitality industry.
His history served him well in the working-class neighborhoods of the South Side. As a politician who represented a racially homogeneous district, Rush did not have to cultivate voters across racial lines, allowing him to play to his constituents’ racial pride without political risk. 46 After a period of soul-searching and strategizing in the wake of his failed congressional bid, Obama chose a different stage for his political ambitions. To break out of Hyde Park and the South Side, he needed to deepen his connections to Chicago’s white leaders.
To reach his well-educated constituents in the area around the University of Chicago, he wrote a regular column for the Hyde Park Herald, a neighborhood newspaper of unusually high quality. He held living room fund-raisers that attracted a mix of Hyde Park residents: professors, nonprofit executives, and other professionals. 45 But Obama’s coalition-building skills did not always serve his political career. Many local black political leaders considered him arrogant, more closely connected to his university neighborhood than to the surrounding communities.