Download PDF by Michael George Hanchard: Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and

By Michael George Hanchard

From contemporary info on disparities among Brazilian whites and non-whites in parts of healthiness, schooling, and welfare, it truly is transparent that huge racial inequalities do exist in Brazil, opposite to prior assertions in race kin scholarship that the rustic is a "racial democracy." right here Michael George Hanchard explores the results of this more and more glaring racial inequality, highlighting Afro-Brazilian makes an attempt at mobilizing for civil rights and the strong efforts of white elites to neutralize such makes an attempt. inside of a neo-Gramscian framework, Hanchard indicates how racial hegemony in Brazil has hampered ethnic and racial id between non-whites by means of concurrently selling racial discrimination and fake premises of racial equality.

Drawing from own records of and interviews with individuals within the Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, Hanchard offers a wealth of empirical proof approximately Afro-Brazilian militants, evaluating their effectiveness with their opposite numbers in sub-Saharan Africa, the U.S., and the Caribbean within the post-World battle II interval. He analyzes, in accomplished aspect, the extraordinary problems skilled by way of Afro-Brazilian activists in deciding on and redressing racially particular styles of violation and discrimination. Hanchard argues that the Afro-American fight to subvert dominant cultural kinds and practices incorporates the chance of being subsumed by means of the contradictions that those dominant types produce.

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Extra resources for Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil 1945-1988

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They were not attracted to the Communist party’s call to international worker solidarity but to those of national identity and chauvinism, corporatism, and racialism, which characterized the Fascist movement in Italy and elsewhere. The “philosophy of praxis” was Gramsci’s attempt to develop an ethico-political strategy that could critique, reform, and ultimately transform Italian society and culture from within. Many Marxist theorists had merely assumed the inevitability of proletarian revolution arising from capitalism’s presumed demise, and neglected the obvious need for the development of an emergent political culture that would give shape to collective, revolutionary consciousness among subaltern peoples.

Nowhere is this limitation clearer than in Fernandes critique of the FNB. To Fernandes, the front was a self-doomed project because of its preoccupation with racial uplift, integration, and Afro-Brazilian social advancement within the parameters of capitalist development, rather than a critique of capitalism itself. ”8 While the FNB did not seek to overturn an entire social system, its critique of racial democracy and promotion of black self-help was a contestation, however limited, of white hegemony.

In 1872, blacks were almost half of the city’s population. By 1887 blacks were 37 percent of the population, a decrease that Rolnik attributes to the decline of coffee production during this period. This led to intense migration of freed blacks from the periphery to the city of Rio in search of work. By the 1940s, increased urbanization in Brazil led to migration, mostly nonwhite, from more agriculturally and artesanally productive states such as Bahia, Pernambuco, and Minas Gerais, to Brazil’s two major urban centers, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.

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